[Salon] The reckless absurdity of calls to attack Mexico



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The reckless absurdity of calls to attack Mexico

Agents assigned to U.S. Customs and Border Protection's (CBP) Air and Marine Operations (AMO) branch in San Diego prepare to deploy to the Gulf of Mexico region, October 8, 2020. [Photo: U.S. Customs and Border Protection]
"We're not going to invade China because they're sending fentanyl into our country," Sen. J.D. Vance told NBC host Chuck Todd on Sunday. But invading—or at least bombing—Mexico? That’s an idea which increasingly has its fans, boasting support from 55 percent of registered voters, per a new NBC poll.

Those voters could get what they want: Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis says he wants to "send in the Coast Guard and the Navy" to stop "precursor chemicals for drugs going through Mexican ports." Former President Donald Trump reportedly suggested bombing Mexican drug labs while in office and allegedly asked aides for "battle plans" earlier this year. And in Congress, Rep. Dan Crenshaw sponsored legislation to authorize use of military force against Mexican cartels.

This vision for making the drug war a real war is worrisome on multiple fronts.
 

The specific danger


This is a high-risk, low-reward proposition that that would incur deadly unintended consequences. DEFP's Daniel R. DePetris has ably made this case in the Chicago Tribune (and on Twitter), detailing four reasons attacking Mexico to stop drugs is a terrible idea:
  1. "Taking out fentanyl labs on Mexican territory is merely a short-term fix." The cartels would rebound, just like opium producers did when "the U.S. spent nearly $10 billion trying to eradicate [Afghan] poppy fields, often through airstrikes."
     
  2. "U.S. military force is highly likely to create a bigger humanitarian crisis on the U.S.-Mexico border." Both local and migrant civilians will suffer, and the effects will be far beyond what U.S. Customs and Border Protection can handle.
     
  3. "U.S. military action, whether it's in the air or on the ground, only targets the supply side of the equation." Millions of Americans will still want drugs, and someone will supply them.
     
  4. Though most proposals signal a preference for working with Mexico City, realistically, this would "sever whatever cooperation the Mexican government provides to U.S. law enforcement and counternarcotics agents on the fentanyl issue." [Chicago Tribune / Daniel R. DePetris]
 

The broader absurdity


Beyond the specifics, it is an indictment of the quality of our foreign policy discourse that such an absurd proposal is being seriously floated at all.
  • The core idea is transposing the discredited tactics of the war on terror to the war on drugs: tackling a mercurial non-state actor with a major military campaign. [The Critic / Anthony J. Constantini]
     
  • In fact, some have explicitly made this link. "We need to start thinking about these groups more like ISIS than we do the mafia," said Rep. Mike Waltz, who cosponsored the Crenshaw bill. [Politico / Alexander Ward]
     
  • The predictable—and pathological—outcome: Repetition of all the foreign policy failures of the post-9/11 era in a battlefield much closer to home.
     
  • Indeed, "[e]ven a campaign of air strikes against cartels could easily escalate," as DEFP Policy Director Benjamin Friedman observes. "Cartels could retaliate" on U.S. soil, against U.S. civilians, in a way ISIS never could. [Reason / Fiona Harrigan]
However popular it may be as a painless hypothetical, prudence and security alike dictate this idea be dropped—for good.


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